Markus Vinzent's Blog

Showing posts with label Jewish-Christian Relations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jewish-Christian Relations. Show all posts

Friday, 10 March 2023

Was Marcion anti-Jewish or anti-Semitic?

 I have to admit, being trained in conventional terms, for a long time, I did believe so. The reading of his New Testament, however, has taught me a very different lesson.

Here a small section of my forthcoming English version of "Christ's Torah" which deals with the figure of John the Baptist in Marcion's Gospel (please pass on your views and comments which I am happy to integrate into the forthcoming publication - the book will be published by Routledge):


A first, important question is why Marcion mentions John at all in his Gospel. Did he know the non-Christian account of John the Baptist in Flavius Josephus’s Antiquities? Yet, scholarship is becoming more sceptical about the reliability of Josephus.[1] Whatever source Marcion has in mind, his mention of John speaks for his assumption that the Baptist was a historical figure, so that he could use him to mark the boundary between the time of Jewish prophetism and the novelty that was brought by Jesus. From the way he portrays him, Marcion saw him as a prophet and teacher of righteousness,[2] and he must have seen the danger that Jesus's message could either be identified with or at least equated with that of John. As we can see from Marcion's search for and presentation of Paul's letters, which is confirmed in his handling of the Gospel material of the oral tradition, Marcion seems to have been a thorough historian and did not aim at writing historical fiction. This is all the more true since a prophetic figure unknown to his audience and readership could hardly have served Marcion's argument. It is therefore astonishing that Marcion hardly receives any attention in the relevant research on John.[3] Nevertheless, as already the placing of John demonstrates, Marcion sharpened his material and brought it in line with his historical and theological views, outlined by Tertullian in his report about Marcion’s preface, the Antitheses.

The first introduction of the Baptist in *Ev clearly prepares the core antithetical passage of *Ev 16, quoted before with the Baptist being regarded as the border between the Jewish Law and Prophets on the one side, and the Gospel on the other. For it is said in *Ev that the news of Jesus's miracles - preceded by the raising of the young man of Nain (*Ev 7:11-16) - reached John the Baptist, but that John "took offence" "when he heard of his (= Jesus') deeds" (*Ev 7:18), a remark, as we will later see in more detail, has been cut out by the redaction that turned *Ev into Lk.

In *Ev, Jesus's answer to the question of John's disciples whether it was he who was coming or whether they should expect someone else - which in Lk sounds somehow random - reads: "Blessed are you if you take no offence at me!" (*Ev 7:23). The verse refers directly to vers 7:18 and makes clear that John did, indeed, take offence at Jesus. That John is seen as a person who is not blessed by Jesus underlines the gulf that Marcion sees between the Baptist and the Saviour. This is precisely, how Tertullian understands this passage and comments on it: Following Marcion, "John took offence when he heard of Christ's powers, as if Christ were of another",[4] indeed, as if he were "another Christ" who "taught or worked new things".[5] Tertullian contradicts Marcion by emphasising that "John however, both as Jew and as prophet, was quite sure that no one is God except the Creator", hence that the Christ of the Gospel was not sent by another God than the God who is depicted in the Torah as the Creator and who has sent the Jewish prophets.[6] Tertullian’s commentary shows that he understood *Ev to be an expression of Marcion’s antithetical view, a crux which he highlighted, contradicted and which, as we can see from the alteration that the text underwent in the redaction of Lk was eradicated from this Gospel. Just as Tertullian wished to see John not as a division between on the one side Law and Prophets and on the other the Gospel, but rather as a bridge, a parenthesis[7] or an ‘in-between’ between Jewish and Christian traditions, so the canonical editors redacted *Ev to remove Marcion’s edge of John serving as a boundary marker.

Marcion, however, is consistent in *Ev, as can be seen from Tertullian who refers to this consistency when he states his intention to contradict him in his views on John:

 

"I shall make it my purpose to show both that John is in accord with Christ and
Christ in accord with John, the Creator's Christ with the Creator's prophet, that so the heretic may be put to shame at having to no advantage made John's work of no advantage.
"[8]

 

This comment argues against the missing of the verses on Christ’s baptism by John in *Ev. According to Tertullian, *Ev lacked this passage that one can find in Lk 3:21-22,[9] because this act of baptism served Marcion as a justification for the antithesis between John and Christ, and, as the next pericope will show, between John’s disciples and Jesus's disciples. “For”, Tertullian argues,

 

"if John's work had been utterly without effect when, as Isaiah says, he cried aloud in the wilderness as preparer of the ways of the Lord by the demanding and commending of repentance, and if he had not along with the others baptized Christ himself, no one could

have challenged Christ's disciples for eating and drinking, or referred them to the example of John's disciples who were assidous in fasting and prayer: because if any opposition had stood

between Christ and John, and between the followers of each, there could have been no demand for imitation, and the force of the challenge would have been lost."[10]

From this Tertullian concludes that Christ belongs to John, and John to Christ, and both to the Creator, that both were "preachers of the Law and of the Prophets."[11] In *Ev 5:33-37, on the other hand, it is said:

 

"33 And they said to him: 'Why do the disciples of John and the disciples of the Pharisees fast steadily and offer prayers, but yours eat and drink?' 34 Jesus said to them: "Can the wedding guests possibly fast while the bridegroom is with them? 35 But days will come, and when the bridegroom is taken away from them, then they will fast in those days. 37 New wine is not poured into old wineskins. But if so, the new wine will burst the skins, then the wine is lost, and also the wineskins. 38 Instead, new wine is poured into new wineskins. And both remain preserved.↑36b And no one sews a patch of unshrunk cloth onto an old cloak. But if so, it all tears, and it will be of no use for the old. For it will result in a larger tear.’↓"[12]

 

What Tertullian read as a criticism of John's disciples and of John's way of life was certainly not without anti-Jewish and -pharisaeic undertone. Yet, was this Marcion’s intention? For to mention the fasting of John's disciples in the same breath as that of the disciples of the Pharisees, and to reproach both of them for practising constantly prayers and accusing the disciples of Jesus of non-asceticism, was certainly no praise of John's piety. Jesus’s answer rejects the Johannean criticism and equates Christ with the bridegroom in whose present celebrations replace ascetic practices.[13] Moreover, Tertullian believes he has discovered an inner contradiction in Marcion, who otherwise insisted on asceticism himself: "Now deny, if you can, your utter madness, Marcion: you go so far as to assail the law of your own god."[14] - for how could he call Christ a "bridegroom", if Marcion otherwise preached marital abstinence and insisted on asceticism?

The following comparison from the quoted verses 36 -37 is no less contradictory, for these angered Tertullian even more, since he did not want to read again Marcion’s contrast between the "best God" and the "Creator" that was laid out in them.[15]

From reading Tertullian it thus becomes even clearer than from mere sight that Marcion used the example of the new wine and the old wineskins to impart his message, that his saviour Christ revealed a new way of life, a series of new commandments and a new form of Scripture, i.e. the new wine that does not fit into the old wineskins of the Law and the Prophets and thus into the Jewish tradition. The reasoning in *Ev is not insignificant: Christ would "tear apart" the Jewish tradition, which would mean a larger gap for both sides with a downfall of both, just as the pouring of Christian novelty into the old frame of Judaism would destroy both – as the novel cult is only served by a novel container or grounding, the older cult will not be threatened by the novel content, and both will have a future.

As this argument reveals, Marcion did not recognise in Christ's appearance an anti-Johannean, anti-Pharisaic or at all anti-Jewish attack directed against Law and Prophets, as Tertullian interpreted Marcion, but Marcion advocated a novel frame for Christ and his new message, which he only saw guaranteed in a new form, based on a new scriptural foundation.

But even though the qualification of the Jewish tradition as "old" could also be quickly misunderstood as a disqualification and devaluation, as happens with Tertullian (and Justin before him), Marcion was also concerned with the fate of the Jewish tradition. For it is clear from the second example of the unrolled patch on an old garment that Marcion was also concerned that neither new nor old should tear when he speaks of the new then being of "no use to the old".

Accordingly, Marcion also saw a benefit of the "Gospel" and Christ for the Jewish tradition. What did this consist of? In the image of the example, it is first of all that there is no "greater rift". Even though Marcion provided Jewish (and non-Jewish) followers of Christ their distinct identity (Christanismus) in setting them in antithesis to a Jewish identity (Judaismus), as he stated in his preface, his intention was the avoidance of a separation or an antagonism between these two cult forms. Hence he was neither anti-Jewish nor did he press for a downfall of the old Jewish tradition. The reflexion upon the possibility, however, that the Christians could be a threat to Jews and Jews to Christians might be mirroring the historical situation after the Second Jewish war, when the identity of both were fragile. The example of the wineskins and the cloak also intimate that despite Marcion’s stressing of innovation, he admits that Christianity was inconceivable without its antithetical counterpart, Judaism. Or, taken it as a political statement, Christianity sailed under Roman-political protection of Jewish privileges which was only possible as long as Christianity and Judaism were further recognized as belonging together and both survived.

Perhaps Marcion had already seen the danger of Christianity going its own way at the cost of Judaism, as it will develop in confrontation with and downright against the position of Jews in the period that followed. For the post-Marcionite history of the Christian-Jewish relationship moved in a completely different direction than the one Marcion had wished for. While Marcion opted for a distinct identity of Christians in antithetical conjunction with Jews, slightly younger scholars like Justin rejected the ownership of Jews of their tradition and prophets and developed a supersessionist Christian theology towards the Jews. Against Marcion's intention, his antitheses have nevertheless set a fuse that has been lit again and again in the course of history by less reflective igniters and led in the 20th century to the explosive catastrophe of the Holocaust.



[1] See the sceptical view in C.K. Rothschild, “Echo of a whisper”. The uncertain authenticity of Josephus’ witness to John the Baptist (2011).

[2] A similar portray is painted by my former colleague at London King’s College, J.E. Taylor, The immerser. John the Baptist within Second Temple Judaism (1997).

[3] No mentino of him, for example, is made in ibid.

[4] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 18,4: Sed scandalizatur Ioannes auditis virtutibus Christi, ut alterius.

[5] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 18,4: qua alium Christum sperans vel intellegens qui neque [haberet] unde speraret, ut nihil novi docentem vel operantem.

[6] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 18,5: Ioannes autem certus erat neminem deum praeter creatorem, vel qua Iudaeus, etiam prophetes.

[7] See J. Ernst, Johannes der Täufer - der Lehrer Jesu? (1994).

[8] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 11,4: Nunc illud tuebor, ut demonstrem et Ioannem Christo et Christum Ioanni convenire, utique prophetae creatoris, qua Christum creatoris, atque ita erubescat haereticus, Ioannis ordinem frustra frustratus.

[9] “21 When all the people were being baptized, Jesus was baptized too. And as he was praying, heaven was opened 22 and the Holy Spirit descended on him in bodily form like a dove. And a voice came from heaven: ‘You are my Son, whom I love; with you I am well pleased.’”

[10] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 11,5 continuing what has been quoted from Tertullian before: Si enim nihil omnino administrasset Ioannes, secundum Esaiam vociferator in solitudinem et praeparator viarum dominicarum per denuntiationem et laudationem paenitentiae, si non etiam ipsum inter ceteros tinxisset … quia, si qua diversitas staret inter Christum et Ioannem et gregem utriusque, nulla esset comparationis exactio, vacaret provocationis intentio.

[11] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 11,6: Adeo Ioannis erat Christus et Ioannes Christi, ambo creatoris, et ambo de lege et prophetis praedicatores et magistri.

[12] For the trans. (with minor alterations) see M. Klinghardt, The Oldest Gospel and the Formation of the Canonical Gospels (2021), 1287.

[13] See Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 11,6.

[14] Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 11,6: “Nega te nunc dementissimum, Marcion. Ecce legem tui quoque dei impugnas.”

[15] On Marcion’s “best God”, see, for example, Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 15,2; 16,7 (deus optimus et tantum bonus, patientiae iniuriam facere).



Tuesday, 23 June 2020

Romans 11 and the Jews

Just had an email question and wanted to share it together with my answer. The question is: According to Romans 11 does Paul think that Jews will finally embrace Jesus, and presumably before the parousia?

My short answer is: I don't think Rom. 11 is by Paul. The chapter is missing in the version that Tertullian knows from the collection of Marcion's Paul. I think, chapters 9-11 has been added after the Bar Kokhba war, when Paul's collection of letters became part of the broadened NT with the four Gospels, Acts asf. It had been developed out of the few quotes from chapter 10 that were also present in Paul's Letter, as found by Marcion. The entire problem of the relation between Christian and Jews became reflected by Christians during and after that terrible revolt and war, as can also be seen from the number of apologies that Christians wrote, and where they start to discern between them and Jews, between them and Greeks and others (though rarely between them and Romans!).
The NT, as we know it, and the Pauline Letters in the version that we find today in our critical editions veil this novel approach by Christians during the second century, particularly, as this version is then taken by late second century authors like Irenaeus as the basis of their own vision of the beginnings of Christianity, a topic which is set out in more detail in my recent book "Offener Anfang" which will be published in an English version in the coming year with Cambridge University Press.

Sunday, 11 January 2015

‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’ in the eyes of others

In two recent articles, A. Baumgarten, ‘The Rule of the Martian in the Ancient Diaspora’,  and J. Barclay, ‘“Jews” and “Christians” in the Eyes of Roman Authors c. 100 CE’, both part of P.J. Tomson and J. Schwartz (eds), Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries: How to Write their Histories (Leiden, 2013), 313-26 and 398-430, respectively the question of ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’ in the eyes of others, predominantly Greco-Roman, non-Christian authors, have been ventured.

As Baumgarten rightly quotes, Lucian of Samosata in his famous Peregrinus depicts Jews and Christians as 'a cluster of bats coming out of a nest, or frogs holding council round a marsh, or worms assembling in some filthy corner' which he interprets in the light of Jonathan Z. Smith (‘What a difference a difference makes’, 47) as an expression of '... even identity' and calls the debate between Jews and Christians a 'Jewish discussions'. Hence, according to Lucian, Christians are seen as part of Judaism, not separated from Judaism (403), although Baumgarten shares the views of those Jews who see in these Christians anything, but Jews. That is the reason why he underlines against the apologetic trend of modern scholarship the difference between Christians and Jews, despite what he quoted from Lucian, relying on the Jew from Celsus. However, what this Jew complaints about, that Christianity was 'another name and another life' to which some Jews have 'deserted' is not very different from how Paul would have regarded those Jews whom he persecuted with all his powers. And even the 'mother-daughter' image of this Jew is not different from what we read in Tacitus (dismissed by Barclay, see below). It is obvious (and I don't know many amongst those criticized representatives of 'modern scholarship' that would deny that Celsus' Jew, like the persecuting Paul before him, held such views) that from a Jewish perspective, critical of the 'Christian' interpretation, 'Christians' were seen as deviators, perhaps even apostates of Judaism - which does not say much about how 'Christians' would have regarded themselves (as one can see, again with Paul who despite having joined the persecuted communities did not regard himself or his new brethren as apostates from Judaism). Baumgarten, then, supports his Jewish argument by pagan writers who, according to him, share this view that 'Christians' were no longer Jews (410), with reference to Barclay. He then takes on Lucian's P. again and mentions the 'new cult' and martyrdom (note this terminology reminds of Marcion's catchword 'new' and the fact that the Marcionites were known for having produced most martyrs in the second century) and mentions that for Lucian Christians are something else than Jews (no surprise from somebody who writes contemporary to Justin/Irenaeus and reports about somebody around the year 144 - note, it is the year in which Marcion went public with his New Testament). Galen, all agree, still sees Jews and Christians as 'one school' which is now one of two lawgivers (Moses and Christ; see also the notes of Celsus on the 'contradictory laws' CC 7.18; 'Moses or Jesus', 'opposite purpose' which supports the case I have made in my Marcion and the Synoptic Gospels [Leuven, 2014], that the Jewish source of Celsus was aquainted with and critical of Marcion’s Antitheses). When Baumgarten draws the conclusion, based on his retake of Lucian (no longer mentioning what he quoted from him earlier - the cluster of bats coming out 'from a nest', not nests), and against Galen (but supported by what he found by Barclay, see below), he comes to the conclusion: ‘The nearly unanimous evidence of the “pagan” authors, taken together with the explicit remarks of Celsus’ Jew, make it hard to argue that, “Most, if not all of the Christians of the first, second, and perhaps even the third centuries considered themselves and were considered by others as Jews” or that the elites on what would become the two sides (to whom Celsus’ Jew would have belonged) were so concerned with distinguishing between Jews from Christians because so many other people of Antiquity did not see the difference between Jews and Christians, that is, because the ways had not yet really parted’ (412-3). As Baumgarten himself italizes the passage in Boyarin’s quote (Daniel Boyarin, ‘Semantic Differences’, in Adam H. Becker, Annette Yoshiko Reed (eds), The Ways that Never Parted [Tübingen, 2003], 65-86, 69), his concern has not been about how Christians saw themselves, but how they were seen by others.

As he has based the core of his argument on Barclay’s article, we also need to review the latter. Here my observations:

In his contribution on ‘“Jews” and “Christians” in the Eyes of Roman Authors c.100 CE’, John M.G. Barclay suggests that ‘as far as Romans were concerned, the association between “Christians” and “Jews” was not an early, but a late phenomenon; two groups once clearly differentiated could now be closely associated, but only when a good deal was discovered about “Christian” beliefs and the “Christian” self-image. It was only late, and then only patchily (and in elite circles) that Romans began to identify “Christians” with “Jews”, an association certainly not made by 100CE’ (326).

This hypothesis is based on the assessment of a relatively coherent picture that Barclay sees being painted by Roman authors of the first and early second century who write about ‘Jews’ (Valerius Maximus, Apion of Alexandria, Seneca, Petronius, Pliny the Elder, Quintilian, Martial and Juvenal), about ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’ (Suetonius and Tacitus), a picture that he contrasts with the profile of ‘Christians’ given by those authors who talked about ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’, and those who talked about ‘Christians’ alone (Pliny the Younger, Trajan) or on ‘Galileans’ (Epictetus).

While ‘Jews’ are seen as a superstitious gens, ‘Christians’ are regarded as criminals, two ‘different’ categories, therefore, as Barclay suggests who never before Celsus have been connected.

In order to maintain this neatly differentiated picture, he needs to exclude the Claudian edict (taken as an individual rebel ‘not a representative of a group’ [317], although according to the edict the Emperor ‘expellat Iudaeos’. Would an Emperor issue an edict, if the rebellious Chrestos were only a single phenomenon with the Jewish synagogue without impact on a group? That the Emperor expells ‘Jews’ contradicts Barclay’s reading – the Emperor does not exclude and expell an individual rebel, but ‘Jews’, amongst them the famous Aquila).

The second witness which Barclay needs to exclude (317) to make his case is Tacitus’ lost work, the Historiae, where Tacitus reports about Titus who wanted to destroy

completely the religion of the Jews and the Christiani: For although these religions are conflicting, they nevertheless developed from the same origins. The Christiani arose from the Jews: With the root removed, the branch is easily killed.[1]

Only recently E. Laupot (not mentioned by Barclay) has made a good case that the text is genuinely by Tacitus.[2] The quote is, indeed, of interest as it gives, if not the opinion of Titus, at least that of Tacitus that for him, Jews and Christians still belonged to one religion, while at the same time he can also speak of them as two religions with a clear indication that the Christians derive from the Jews and can be seen like branch and root.

The third evidence that Barclay dismisses is Epictetus. When Epictetus talks about a Jew who ‘has been baptised and has made his choice’ and ‘is in reality a Jew’, Barclay takes this as evidence for proselyte baptism which, according to Barclay, ‘has nothing to do with Christian practice’ (319). Yet, for a long time, the terminology of ‘baptism’ has made scholars think that there was a potential connection to Christians (see, for example, James D.G. Dunn, Beginning from Jerusalem (Cambridge, 2009), 55-6 (not mentioned by Barclay).

In addition, one does not only need to look at the positive evidence, but also at the negative one. If the two groups were as differentiated and distinct from early on, as Barclay claims, one needs to explain why, for example, Josephus who talks about the different groups of Judaism and also mentions key figures like James, Jesus’ brother, never speaks of ‘Christians’. Likewise, James D.G. Dunn is more precise when he states that ‘there are no references to Christians or Christianity in non-Christian Greco-Roman sources prior to the second century’ (54), but that all we have are second century authors writing about first century events. This reduces the basis for the claim that from early on, we have a differentiation between Judaism and Christianity which only towards the later second century were brought together by authors.

A more systematic problem is given by the fact that Barclay states that ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’ are incomparable labels, belonging to a ‘different category’, yet – in his contrasting of two groups, ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’ he starts blurring the difference between a label (which can be distinct, as they are in the case of 'Jews' and 'Christians') and 'groups'. If the labels refer to distinct categories ('Jews' a gens, 'Christians' criminals), a comparison of 'Jews' with 'Christians' is like that of apples with pears, hence, such comparison will not give us an insight into how people were related to each other (let alone in their own minds), but will give us labels under which people have been categorised from different perspectives. Instead, if one followed Barclay's logic, one would need to say that if 'Jews' and 'Christians' are incomparable, Jews could easily also be seen as criminals (Christians) (without the need of people by making such strictures to refer to these people being Jews), as well as Christians could be seen as belonging to the gens of Jews (without in thise case people being in need in accusing them of being ‘Christians’ or criminals, as being a Jew was far from being a criminal). If 'Christians' as a label is equated with being a 'criminal' - and this is how I see it too, this label explains why the title ‘Christians’ has not become a self-reference for a long time and that writings like 2Peter and Acts still know of it as a shame name, and that even Justin has difficulties to give it a positive rendering. If this is so, how can such a shame name which has no reference to a gens give us any indication about the relation between 'Christians' and 'Jews' in the first half of the second, let alone about the first century?

 



[1] Tac., in: Sulp. Sev.: ‘Plenius Iudaeorum et Christianorum religio tolleretur: quippe has religiones, licet contrarias sibi, isdem tamen ab auctoribus profectas; Christianos ex Iudaeis extitisse: radice sublata stirpem facile perituram’.
[2] E. Laupot, ‘Tacitus' Fragment 2: The Anti-Roman Movement of the Christiani and the Nazoreans’, VigChr 54 (2000), 233-47.