Markus Vinzent's Blog

Showing posts with label Paul and Marcion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Paul and Marcion. Show all posts

Thursday, 26 June 2025

How Adam (and Eve) is being transformed by the canonical redaction - a passage from my new book "From Paul to Saul"

 In a few days, my new book "From Paul to Saul" is going to be published, first in German, by Herder (Freiburg).


Here is a small part that deals with the two different readings of "Adam" (and Eve) in the 10-letter collection that was part of Marcion's New Testament - the translation of which is given in the book - next to the 14-letter collection  as we know it from the canonical New Testament:


1. Adam

The sole occurrence of Ἀδάμ (Adam) within the *10-letter collection is found in *1 Cor 15, where we read:

 

*1 Cor 15:22

1 Cor 15:22-23

22For just as in Adam they die, so also in Christ will all be made alive.

22For as in Adam all die,

so also in Christ all will be made alive.

 

23But each in his own order:

Christ the first fruits,

then those who are Christ’s, at his coming.

 

In *1 Cor 15:22, Adam appears not as a historical figure for moral reflection, nor as a genealogical reference, but as a typological counterpart to Christ, the second Adam. The contrast is stark and theological: death through the first, life through the second. It is not the person of Adam but the condition he signifies—mortality, transgression, and universality—that defines his function in this single appearance. There is no narrative development, no elaboration of Eden, temptation, or expulsion. Adam serves here not as story but as synecdoche: a name that contains an anthropology.

The temporal aspect of the Adam–Christ antithesis in *1 Cor 15:22 is reinforced by the verb tenses employed: a contrast is drawn not merely between two figures, but between two ages—between present experience and future transformation,[1] between now and the new. As noted in passing above, A. Lindemann aptly, though perhaps too cautiously, speaks of an “incongruence” between the present tense ἀποθνῄσκουσιν (they die) and the future ζῳοποιηθήσονται (will be made alive),[2] it is more than that, an antithesis.

As verse 23—which is unattested for the *10-letter collection and also absent in terms of vocabulary—makes clear, the canonical redaction, as so often elsewhere when dealing with antitheses in the *10-letter collection as its source, sought to soften the sharpness of the pre-canonical text. This shift in verbal aspect marks not merely a chronological distinction but undermines the eschatological edge of the *Pauline vision. It dissolves the juxtaposition of Adam and Christ, and it attenuates the temporal contrast inherent in the antithesis of the Vorlage—namely, the opposition between present time and future—by speaking in verse 23 of an order, whether simultaneous[3] or sequential. The term ἔπειτα (“then”) serves not simply as a sequence marker, but as a redirection. The phrase ἀπαρχὴ Χριστός (“Christ the first fruits”) no longer refers only to a future, eschatological event. It is now read retroactively—as an indicator that resurrection has already begun in Christ’s own rising. The canonical redaction thereby reconfigures the earlier *Pauline antithesis of “now” and “not yet” into a unified salvific continuum, stretching from Adam through Christ to the eschaton.

This softening of the temporal opposition was not lost on Origen, who, reading verse 23 in light of Rom 5:12, interpreted the redemptive work of Christ not as an isolated eschatological intervention but as the unfolding of a single divine economy. He parallels Paul’s statement on sin’s entry through one man with his own extension: “Just as through one man sin entered into the world, and death through sin, so death passed to all men, because all sinned...” (Rom 5:12), Origen continues: “...so also through one man righteousness came into this world, and through righteousness life, and thus life passed to all men, in him in whom all were made alive.”[4]

In Origen’s reading, as in the canonical redaction, the decisive act of redemption is not postponed to a future parousia, but is already inaugurated—a movement not from present to future, but from past through present into the fullness of time. Thus, Christ and Adam are not separated by eschatological distance but are aligned within a single salvific time frame, a προκαταβολὴ τοῦ κόσμου kind of continuity, in which redemption is the fulfillment of a history that began not at Golgotha but in Eden.

The earlier *Pauline dichotomy between revelation “from faith for faith” (*Rom 1:17), “through faith in Christ” and living “in” and listening to “the Law” (*Rom 3:19,22) is thereby absorbed into a redemptive process wherein righteousness and life are not merely proclaimed but ordered—hierarchically and historically. It is a theological move well attuned to the thought-world of Irenaeus, who likewise framed salvation history as a divinely orchestrated sequence of recapitulations.[5] In this light, it is little wonder that a tradition raised exclusively on the canonical text ceased to perceive the temporal antithesis altogether.[6]

The canonical tradition draws Adam remarkably close to God—a proximity rendered with almost liturgical brevity in the Lukan genealogy of Jesus. At the conclusion of that solemn procession of names, the Evangelist ends not with Abraham or Moses, but with “Ἀδάμ, τοῦ Θεοῦ”—“Adam, who was of God” (Lk 3:38). It is the only mention of Adam in any of the canonical Gospels, and its placement at the culmination of the genealogy lends him a peculiar dignity: he is not merely first in human sequence, but, by implication, progeny of the divine. Here, Adam is not typologically subordinate, but theophorically exalted.

This elevation of Adam corresponds with what we have already noted: the canonical redaction of 1 Cor 15:23 and Rom 5:14–15 tempers the stark eschatological antithesis of 1 Cor 15:22. As observed by Origen and others, the future is now pulled back into the present, not annihilating but recontextualizing the earlier time-dualism. The progression is no longer from Adam to Christ, death to life, old to new—but from one phase of a single salvific history to the next.

This redirection finds its most explicit outworking in 1 Timothy 2, where the canonical editorial tendency toward hierarchical ordering reaches beyond eschatology into gendered anthropology:

 

13For Adam was first formed, then Eve. 14Adam wasn’t deceived, but the woman, being deceived, has fallen into disobedience. 15But she will be saved through her childbearing (σωθήσεται δὲ διὰ τῆς τεκνογονίας), if they continue in faith, love, and sanctification with sobriety. (1 Tim 2:13–15)

 

What a terrible statement![7] It is a ghastly travesty of *Pauline teaching and of his appreciation of women.[8] Here, the narrative hierarchy derived from Genesis 2 becomes theological norm: creation order implies a chauvinist moral order that connects the salvation of women—married women, others do not seem to be thought of[9]—with childbearing and the implied pregnancy, labor, pain and motherhood, understood as “penal suffering.”[10] The woman is not merely created second, she is made culpable, while Adam is exonerated by priority. It is the Christian beginning of an unending story of female temptation and seduction, as we can see, for example, in Marcion’s commentator Tertullian.

On Eve as pars pro toto of women Tertullian states with reference to the same story from Genesis:

 

“Do you not know that you are Eve? The sentence of God on this sex of yours lives on in this age: the guilt must of necessity live too. You are the devil’s gateway. You are the one who unsealed the forbidden tree. You are the first deserter of the divine law. You are she who persuaded him whom the devil was not valiant enough to attack.”[11]

 

Tertullian blames Eve, and by extension all women, for the fall of man, portraying women as the origin of male seduction into sin. A little later in the same book, he adds:

 

“First, know that the desire to please by adorning oneself does not spring from a clear conscience, but from decor designed to entice lust. Why, then, do you stir up that evil in yourself? Why do you invite someone foreign to you whom you claim to be? Moreover, we must not open the way to temptations that sometimes accomplish by pressure what God’s calls would seem to fail to; indeed, they at least move the spirit to stumble.”[12]

 

Women’s use of beautification, so his male gaze throughout this text, he accuses to be a form of seduction, recalling Eve’s role in leading Adam astray. Adornment is portrayed as an invitation to lust, and thus morally dangerous. How persistently this message of 1 Timothy resonated with the fathers can be seen from the influential John Chrysostom who in his homilies on this text preaches to his congregation: “You have crushed the head of your husband… it was you who expelled him from paradise! It was you who made him a subject of death… Do you not know that you are Eve?”[13]

The Pauline argument is no longer about the universal condition of sin and mortality—ἐφ’ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον (“because all sinned,” Rom 5:12)—but has been refracted through ecclesial order and household virtue.

Thus, a typology originally rooted in universal anthropology becomes embedded in a gendered ecclesiology. The theological weight of Adam shifts: once figure of mortality, he becomes archetype of unfallen order; once universal ancestor, now model of untouched obedience.

The final canonical reference to Adam occurs in a most fleeting and symbolic fashion in Jude 14:

“About these also Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied...” (Jude 1:14)

Here Ἀδάμ appears not as agent, nor as type, nor as theological foil, but merely as a chronological marker. His name is invoked only to lend apocalyptic gravitas to Enoch’s prophecy. Adam is the root of a genealogical sequence that now leads not to Christ but to judgment—a reminder, perhaps, of the interpretive pliability of biblical figures once they enter into the editorial economy of canon.

Across these layers, then, Adam is progressively transposed: from figure of fall to vessel of typology, from contrast partner to continuity bearer, from dead in sin to of God. In this, the canonical redaction achieves not merely a harmonization of sources, but a transvaluation of theological symbols, suited to the present-tense male dominated church rather than to the apocalyptic horizon of the earlier *Paul.



[1] Weiß speaks of a “present beyond time”, Weiss, Der Erste Korintherbrief  at 356.

[2] Paul is not thinking “of a kind of law-like process … but of a (future!) act of God,” Andreas Lindemann, Der Erste Korintherbrief (Handbuch Zum Neuen Testament; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000) IX, 389 S. at 344.

[3] So Heinrici, Der Erste Brief an Die Korinther  at 465.

[4] Orig., Comm. in Rom. 5 (PG 14,1005A-B): Sicut enim in Adam omnes moriuntur, ita et in Christo omnes vivificabuntur. Hic autem cum dixerit: Sicut per unum hominem peccatum introivit in hunc mundum, et per peccatum mors, et ita in omnes homines mors pertransiit, in quo omnes peccaverunt, non retulit ut diceret, verbi causa: Ita et per unum hominem justitia introivit in hunc mundum, et per justitiam vita, et sic in omnes homines vita pertransiit, in qua omnes vivificati sunt.

[5] Giorgio Agamben has perceptively denounced the domestication of the Parousia into a merely present phenomenon, stripped of its eschatological force; see Giorgio Agamben, Die Zeit, Die Bleibt. Ein Kommentar Zum RöMerbrief (5. Auflage edn., Edition Suhrkamp; Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2015) 234 Seiten. On Irenaeus, see Alfred Bengsch, Heilsgeschichte Und Heilswissen. Eine Untersuchung Zur Struktur Und Entfaltung Des Theologischen Denkens Im Werk "Adversus Haereses" Des Hl. IrenäUs Von Lyon (Erfurter Theologische Studien; Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1957) XXIV, 243 S.

[6] See the list of patristic commentators in Wolfgang Schrage, Der Erste Brief an Die Korinther Kor <1>; 15,1-16,24; [4. Teilband] (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar Zum Neuen Testament, 2001) VIII, 484 S. at 194-200. A modern example is Paul Hoffmann, Die Toten in Christus. Eine Religionsgeschichtliche Und Exegetische Untersuchung Zur Paulinischen Eschatologie (2. edn.; Münster: Aschendorff, 1969) at 344-46.

[7] Brox judges: “These reflections, so utterly alien to us” (“Diese uns völlig fremdartigen Überlegungen”), Norbert Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe (4., völlig neu bearb. Aufl. edn., Regensburger Neues Testament; Regensburg: Pustet, 1969) 342 S. at 136.

[8] 1 Tim 2:13-15 is read as a fighting off the Pauline teaching from 1 Cor 7 in Gustav Wohlenberg, Die Pastoralbriefe (Der Erste Timotheus-, Der Titus- Und Der Zweite Timotheusbrief); Mit Einem Anhang: Unechte Paulusbriefe (3. Aufl. edn., Kommentar Zum Neuen Testament; Leipzig u.a.: Deichert, 1923) VIII, 375 S. at 120. According to Brox, this passage suggests that “it is hardly imaginable” that it “derives from the hand of Paul,” Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe  at 135.

[9] See the criticism in Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe  at 136.

[10] So Wohlenberg, Die Pastoralbriefe (Der Erste Timotheus-, Der Titus- Und Der Zweite Timotheusbrief); Mit Einem Anhang: Unechte Paulusbriefe  at 121.

[11] Tert., De Cultu Feminarum 1.1: Et nesciebas te Evam esse? Dei sententia in hanc sexum vestrum vivit in hoc saeculo: ergo et delictum necesse est vivat. Tu es porta diaboli, tu es prima desertrix legis divinae, tu illa es quae persuasisti eum quem diabolus aggredi non valuit.

[12] Tert., De Cultu Feminarum 2.6: Primo quod non de integra conscientia venit studium placendi per decorem quem naturaliter invitator libidinis scimus. Quid igitur excitas in te malum istud? Quid invitas cuius te profiteris extraneam? Tum quod temptationibus viam aperire non debemus, quae nonnumquam quod Deus a suis abigat instando perficiunt, certe vel spiritum scandalo permovent.

[13] John Chrys., Homiliae in 1 Timotheum, Hom. 9.


Sunday, 28 July 2024

Did Marcion write his Gospel from oral material or redacted it from earlier collections? - my change of mind

 I previously held the former view, but having reconstructed Marcion's Apostolos, I learned the following which made me change my mind to a position that aligns now better with traditional scholarship on the beginnings of gospel-writing (as, for example, the two-sources hypothesis). Here are the reasons:


In *Gal 5,21 we read: "I warn you, as I did before, that those who live like this will not inherit the kingdom of God."
This is a back-reference to which the only place to which this reference can refer is *1Cor 15:50: " I declare to you, brothers and sisters, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God, nor does the perishable inherit the imperishable."
From this I have learned that the back-reference in the *Apostolos has escaped Marcion's redactional wit and refers into the wrong direction. This is only possible, if he made use of an earlier collection of letters where 1Cor stood before Gal.
As Marcion in his *Apostolos makes also use of a 3-letter-collection of *Deuteropaulines, it shows that his redaction of the *Apostolos is entirely based on collections. If so, it is most likely, that the same redactor also made use of collections when putting together his gospel.

Thursday, 13 June 2024

Back-reference in *Gal 5:21 and its implications for Marcion's Gospel and his Pauline Letter Collection

A crucial discovery information is given in: *Gal 5:21 ("as I said before"). This small sentence provides us with a back-reference. 

If I am not mistaken, it can only refer to *1 Cor 15:50. This clarifies one of my uncertainties whether or not the redactor had written or oral material in front of him, when putting together the collection of 10 Pauline letters, credited to Marcion. 

A back-reference only makes sense, if the letter with the back-reference, is part of the collection. As it goes into the wrong direction within the 10-letter-collection of Marcion, this reference must be older, unless Epiphanius where we find this, has given us the canonical text and not the precanonical one.

On the basis that he gives us the precanonical text, the redactor must have used an older collection of 7 Pauline letters plus a collection of the 3 Deuteropaulines that have already been identified as a collection - see their position in the collection and also their lexical and semantic and content proximity). A back-reference that is incorrect in *Gal 5,21, hence, shows us this and several other things:

1. This earlier collection must have had the order *1Cor - *Gal, hence most likely corresponded to the canonical order of Rom - 1 Cor - 2 Cor - Gal ...
2. This collection, though of canonical order did not derive from the "canonical" camp as do the *3 deuteropaulines.
3. The redactor is of a rather conservative type. Though he reorders the letters, because the new order supports one of his main positions, the strong statement in *Gal 1:1 with regards Paul and the antithesis between law and belief, but he leaves the back-reference, so does not hide the fact that he is using an older collection of a different order.
4. If this redactor has only made use of already existing written collections of Pauline letters, it is most likely that he also made use of written material, already collected in a certain form for *Ev.

Saturday, 18 May 2024

Re-launch of the Patristica Podcast: All about the 10 Pauline Letter Collection

 Here is the new re-launch of the Patristica youtube channel and podcast. Despite the title of the link below, it is more about Paul than the Gospel, as you will quickly discover, as this is what I am working on at the moment: 

https://youtu.be/hPreTmej86k

Friday, 7 July 2023

Chris Albert Wells: Marcion's Sting - An open Letter to me, a short reply

 First I have to thank Chris Albert Wells for his thorough and thoughtful open letter to me. Not only that he grasps and highlights the main points that I was trying to make, he also has seen the one big gap which I had seen in the past, but not addressed yet, as I had not worked through all Pauline Epistles and, therefore, was not in a position to answer his open letter yet.

Now that I have just published the Concordance of the precanonical and canonical New Testament, have worked through the Pauline Epistles and the rest of the canonical New Testament, have finished the reconstruction of the precanonical Paul and almost finished the introduction to this reconstruction, I have posted a preliminary answer to his open letter which I am detailing in the introduction to the reconstruction.

Here the short answer that I published on his academia.edu site:

Dear Chris, thanks so much for this open letter to which I am certainly going to reply. Your thorough article honours me and shows that in most elements we are in full agreement. The sting that you mention I had noticed of course, and you are right that I have neither highlighted it nor repsonded to the question that you raise. My short answer which I will need to detail - and you will see these in the upcoming reconstruction volumes of Paul's Letters in the Marcionite collection which I have just finished and for which I am writing the introduction at present - is that, again, our views are not too far: When I am talking about "authorship" of Marcion's Gospel, I had noted that he is not a Shakespeare, but rather somebody who collects and gathers material which he then digests and redacts. In case of the Gospel, a good amount of oral material, perhaps also written, but no-name material. Giving his account the name of "Euanggelion" is already an hommage to Paul and makes Paul present as the authority behind this text, a first reason, why implicitly he is in the Gospel and totally absent. However, the material itself does not seem to have had any explicit relation to Paul, and in this sense we might question even more whether Paul was a historical figure. Again, I would side with you that for Paul all that Marcion had was, again, material, perhaps some written, in the meantime having studied the letters, rather oral material. Paul is referred to in this material, that is why Marcion publishes the letters under his name. The historical information in it, however, is faint, and just as with Jesus, the Paul story might go back to Marcion.

There is another sting which you have not mentioned. Just as the "historical Paul" is absent from the Gospel, so is the "historical Jesus" absent from Paul. However, what both these sets of writings have in common is that they use history to de-historisize divine salvation, and I agree again with you on the eschatologically hellenized nature of both accounts.

After having done the full research on Marcion's Paul - and recently published a "Concordance of the precanonical and the canonical New Testament", it became clear to me that Marcion is as much an author/redactor of the Jesus- as of the Paul-material. Both sets share much of their lexic and semantic which goes as far as the use of small words, grammar ... The two texts derive from the same hand and mind, the differences (incl. the mutual absence of the protagonists) is due to the material to which Marcion remained faithful.

Tuesday, 29 November 2022

Is Luke's Geography all skrewed up? On John Kloppenburg in Jacob Berman's History Channel

 A short time ago, John Kloppenburg featured on Jacob Berman's History Channel with the following interview: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AHX7OeVwbzw


As I am going through the entire vocabulary of the New Testament at the moment, to compare the lexicography of the Marcionite collection to that of the canonical New Testament, the following appears with regards to the mention of city or cities in both collections.

From the list below, it appears that what John Kloppenburg is saying with regards to 'Luke' captures, indeed, the one who is responsible for Acts and also for the redaction of Marcion's Gospel. Marcion himself seems to have been more knowledgeable about the geography than his redactor. Just like 'Matthew' does, Marcion speaks of Kapharnaum as a city (Mt 9,1), but almost all other references to cities are unattested for his Gospel, and neither is the passage that Kloppenburg mentions on Chorazin, Bethsaida and Kapharnaum, Tyros and Sidon when Jesus is already on his way, far away from there.
It seems, therefore, that - wherever Acts was written, this redaction shares the 'citification' of the landscape, not yet known to Marcion's Gospel, and, if we add, his Pauline letter collection. Here, again, it is only in Rom 16:23 (note, that the last two chapters of Rom are missing in Marcion's Rom) that there is explicit mention of 'city', and in 2Cor 12:26, a chapter missing in Marcion's 2Cor, Paul speaks of the perils of the city, after having mentioned in 2Cor 11:32 (another chapter missing in Marcion's 2Cor) the city of Damascus. Except for these mentions, Paul never makes city his concern.


* indicates that the word is present in Marcion's collection

*πόλις

174

*Ev 4,31. 43; 9,6 (? Adamantius, accepted by Klinghardt and NA28); 14,21

in Lc 8,1. 39; 13,22; 19,41; 23,50; 24,48, verses that are absent from *Ev , then Lc 7,37, where this part is missing in *Ev fehlt, but present in Mt 2,23; 4,5; 5,14. 35; 8,33. 34; 9,1. 35; 10,5. 11. 14. 15. 23; 11,1. 20; 12,25; 14,13; 21,10. 17. 18; 22,7; 23,34; 26,18; 27,53; 28,11; Mc 1,33. 45; 5,14; 6,11. 33. 56; 11,19; 14,13. 16; Lc 1,26. 39; 2,3. 4. 11. 39; 4,29. 31. 43; 5,12; 7,11. 12. 37; 8,1. 4. 27. 34. 39; 9,5. 10; 10,1. 8. 10. 11. 12; 13,22; 14,21; 18,2. 3; 19,17. 19. 41; 22,10; 23,19. 51; 24,49; Jn 1,44; 4,5. 8. 28. 30. 39; 11,54; 19,20; Acts 4,27; 5,16; 7,58; 8,5. 8. 9. 40; 9,6; 10,9; 11,5; 12,10; 13,44. 50; 14,4. 6. 13. 19. 20. 21; 15,21. 36; 16,4. 11. 12. 13. 14. 20. 39; 17,5. 16; 18,10; 19,29. 35; 20,23; 21,5. 29. 30. 39; 22,3; 24,12; 25,23; 26,11; 27,8; Rom 16,23; 2Cor 11,26. 32; Ti 1,5; Heb 11,10. 16; 12,22; 13,14; Jas 4,13; 2Pet 2,6; Jude 1,7; Rev 3,12; 11,2. 8. 13; 14,20; 16,19; 17,18; 18,10. 16. 18. 19. 21; 20,9; 21,2. 10. 14. 15. 16. 18. 19. 21. 23; 22,14. 19

Saturday, 26 November 2022

My answer to Kirkland Raab on Paul's letters and the interdependence of Marcion and the canonical redaction

Kirkland Raab commented on a youtube video of Jacob's History Channel with me (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ou7n-7-hB2s).

Here are his two questions and my answer that I posted there:

Q1 Where does Paul and his writings relate to this with respect to his chronology and influence?

Q2 Do we have any scraps of document- evidence of the interdependence of the creation of Mark, Matthew and Luke, as Professor Vinzent suggests? i.e. A written statement from an insider/witness about the creation of the gospels?

And here my answers:

Dear Kirkland, thanks for your two questions.

To Q1: As my work on Paul is still in the making, I can only give a preliminary answer as for now. What has become clear already (and two new books argue into the same direction, though unfortunately in German: Alexander Goldmann, Über die Textgeschichte des Römerbriefes. Neue Perspektiven aus dem paratextuellen Befund, Tanz 63, Tübingen 2020; Tobias Flemming, Die Textgeschichte des Epheserbriefes. Marcion änderte nichts: Eine grundlegend neue Perspektive auf den Laodicenerbrief, Tanz 67, Tübingen 2022), and I had the privilege to discuss my preliminary insights with the two authors of these books - and their teacher Matthias Klinghardt, and his research group (Jan Heilmann, Kevin Künzl and others) at Dresden a few weeks ago:

The version of the 10 letters that were part of Marcion's collection, and which were a lot shorter than the version which we find in the canonical New Testament, is closer to Paul. In many respects, it shows a different language, another self-understanding of Paul, different theological concerns ... it might be that just as Marcion accepted a set of two letters (Laodicenes and Colossians, perhaps also 2 Thessalonians) which show a closer relation to the redactional profile of the later canonical New Testament, the people who redacted or produced Laodicenes and Colossians, in return, accepted Marcion's set of his seven or eight letters plus Laodicenes and Colossians which Marcion had integrated into his collection. And as Marcion had apparently heavily redacted these ten letters, so the canonical redactors turned to this collection, added further letters (1-2 Tim, Tit, Hebrews; the Catholic letters), Acts, redacted Luke and added Matthew, Mark and John and Revelation. For the chronology - an early stage of the collection and mutual exchange of what different people had collected and reworked seems to have been the aftermath of the second Jewish war. What the stock was that lies underneath both sets (set 1: Marcion's seven or eight letters; set 2: Laodicenes and Colossians) is too early to say, here I need to finish a bit more homework. So far, however, we can see the impact that Marcion's activity had, just as we see other players exerting influence on him.

 

To Q2: Interestingly, we have four 'witnesses' for the interdependence, not only of the gospels, but equally for these sets of Paul:

1. There is the (Latin) prologue to John's Gospel, referred to Papias of Hierapolis where there is mention of a debate between Marcion and John with regards their Gospels. Though it ends with a rejection of Marcion's Gospel by John, it shows their mutual knowledge.

2. Marcion in his Antitheses, as reported by Tertullian, criticizes those other four gospels (he calls them plagiarisms of his own gospel), attributed to two 'apostles' (Matthew and John) and two 'pupils of apostles' (Mark and Luke), hence, he demonstrates that when he published the first 'New Testament' that we know of, he took into account these four gospels, just as he claims that these gospels had adopted and adapted his own.

3. As previous scholarship (most detailed recently by Matthias Klinghardt) have shown, there is a series of papyri and manuscripts of gospels (and Pauline letters) which provide variants and readings that our witnesses (Tertullian, Epiphanius, Adamantius, Ephrem ...) mention to have been those of Marcion. They demonstrate that his 'New Testament' had an enormous impact on the canonical tradition beyond the text of the canonical New Testament as we have it today in the early large codices of the 4th and 5th centuries or the critical edition of Nestle-Aland of the 20th and the 21st centuries.

4. The impass of 150 years of research into the synoptic question. That scholars cannot come to an agreement with regards the genealogical model (either with or without Q) is not due to good or bad will, of learnedness or ignorance of scholars, but, if I am not mistaken, of the approach from the perspective of genealogy: Only when we acknowledge an interdependence of our writers and sources can different positions about which of these gospels were first or dependent be both right. Even Marcion's Gospel is not independent of the four canonical ones, just as even Marcion's redaction of Paul's epistles is not independent of the canonical redactors who have produced Laodicenes and Colossians.


Saturday, 25 June 2022

The reconstruction of Marcion's Apostolos - publishing date?

 Dear Joshua,

I received a kind email this week, asking for the publishing date of my reconstruction of Marcion's Apostolos:

'Jacob Berman (History Valley on YouTube) recently quoted your response to a letter written to you regarding the Pauline Epistles. In part of your response, you mention a project to complement and complete Matthias Klinghardt's reconstruction of the Evangelikon with your very own  reconstruction of the Apostolikon. In part, you write:
"Based on our witnesses (Tertullian, Epiphanius ...) and on papyri and manuscript variations in the tradition of the Epistles, it is clear that they attest to two very different collections of Paul's letters. More on this I am publishing in the nearer future with a book by [Cambridge University Press], but which I am now detailing in the current study.
Marcion's collection had the known 10 Pauline letters..."
This book project you mention as being published in the "nearer future" by CUP (Cambridge), is this going to contain your reconstruction (with English translation?) of the Apostolikon canon of 10 Epistles? May I ask what the title of this book will be? May I also inquire, when it may be published? Next year, 2023? 2024?
This is a book project I look forward to more than any other. To finally be able to read the Apostolikon is a dream come true.'

To this email I replied:
thanks for emailing me. The work I am referring to in what you quote below are, in fact, two or in fact three books. The ones that have been published first in German with Herder (Offener Anfang, 2019; Christi Thora, 2022) will be published in English, the first with CUP later this year or early next year, the second is under review for Routledge. The first, however, only gives preliminary insights into the "Apostolos", the second deals with the "Euangelion".

What you are really looking for, is what is in the making right as we talk to each other, the reconstruction of the "Apostolos". This is no easy task, although preliminary work has been done by previous scholarship (Zahn, Harnack, Clabeaux, Schmid, BeDuhn). If you want to get a first impression, you can read BeDuhn's The First New Testament - this is a good reconstructive attempt. My own will differ insofar from his and from earlier reconstructions, as I am not only relying as Zahn to Schmid on our witnesses (Tertullian, Epiphanius ...), and textual manuscript variants (as BeDuhn has added to previous scholarship, following Klinghardt), and the narrative context (as BeDuhn rightly does), but also on Semantics, Grammar asf. The importance of this added criterium I have only learned when doing the reconstruction. Every now and then, and after doing it more systematically, I noticed that not only is there a strong coherence between the Semantics of those passages that on the basis of the witnesses scholars have attributed to the "Apostolos", but that the Semantics also coheres with the text of the "Euangelion". This language differs clearly from the added canonical redactional texts of the "Euangelion" as of the "Apostolos". On that basis I was able to tentatively restore some missing passages in BeDuhn and the other editors, and led me to make a few changes in the texts that they had reconstructed.
The text with an introduction will be published (similarly to Klinghardt's Euangelion) in two volumes, both in a German and an English edition, with notes and translation. The publication of the work I plan for 2024.'