Please join me on the next sub-chapter of the forthcoming novel "Letting go", Part One, Chapter Three ('Bruno and Anika'), sub-chapter two: Challenges for Anika
https://youtube.com/live/9a74anBWEvc?feature=share
Please join me on the next sub-chapter of the forthcoming novel "Letting go", Part One, Chapter Three ('Bruno and Anika'), sub-chapter two: Challenges for Anika
Here comes the first sub-chapter of chapter three ('Bruno and Anika') of my forthcoming novel 'Letting go': I 3.1. In paradise (Saarland).
The novel will be published in German (title: "Nicht alle Tage") and potentially later in English. The book tells the story of two couples and their intricate relations. When Feeny, one of the two ladies, is diagnosed with a chronic illness, all relations change. Letting go is about learning how to live the now.Here is a paper on Max Weber and Historiography leading to a twin project of mine, a new, forthcoming book with Cambridge University Press, 2025 on 'Early Christianity and the Challenge of Writing History' - a methodological reflection on autobiographical history writing - and the related exemplary writing of an autobiographical fiction, the novel which I have started to read in English (working title: Letting go; German: Nicht alle Tage).
Here comes the next sub-chapter of chapter two ('Feeny') of my forthcoming novel 'Letting go': I 2.7. Feeny in panic.
Please do join me on the next sub-chapter of chapter two ('Feeny') of my forthcoming novel 'Letting go': I 2.6. Bald head.
The novel is going to be published in German (title: "Nicht alle Tage") and potentially later in English.after a few weeks interruption because of conferences, here the next sub-chapter of my forthcoming novel "Letting Go": I 2.2 "Anika and Feeny again". You can join me live in a few minutes or watch the episode later on:
Join me on the next sub-chapter of my novel "Letting go", I 2.4: Rhythm, simply follow this link in a few minutes: https://youtube.com/live/d4g8ZcvEaxs?feature=share
Before getting the next episode of my novel, perhaps you can help me - the German publisher has asked me for a more appealing title, as he thinks "Loslassen" would be not attractive enough. If you have a good suggestion, please let me know. For most of my books, others have created the titles, for which I am most grateful.
Please join me on the next episode, sub-chapter two of chapter 2 of my novel "Letting go", coming up in a few minutes here:
to join me (again) for the next episode, sub-chapter one: It dawns of chapter 2 ('Feeny') of the forthcoming novel "Letting go"
Here is the playlist with all four sub-chapters of the first chapter of my novel "Letting go":
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL1qQuFYfwxOmvMskpI4xEnJDxy08UJp12
If you wish to join me, please click
The novel is going to be published in German and potentially later in English. The book tells the story of two couples and their intricate relations. When Feeny, one of the two ladies, is diagnosed with a chronic illness, all relations change. Letting go is about learning how to live the now. In a few weeks, the novel will be published, first in German (Verlag: Der Blaue Reiter, Göttingen). To pre-order the German book (Vol I and II, each ca. EUR 29): info@verlag-derblauereiter.de
You are invited to another live-stream for the third sub-chapter of my forthcoming novel 'Letting go', I 1.3: Shake history off.
If you like to listen to the next sub-chapter of my forthcoming novel 'Letting go', please join me in a few minutes:
Bringing Eckhart as a Lebemeister (a master of how to live) into the 21st century, I wrote a novel, Letting go, or in German: Loslassen.
The novel which shares some elements (length and topics) with Thomas Mann's Zauberberg (had I only the skills of this author!) deals with two couples and their intricate relationships. The novel is also about challenges like misuse in the church, questions of relations (LGBT) and others.
One Feeny, one of the ladies in the book, is diagnosed with a chronic disease, the relations change again.
I previously held the former view, but having reconstructed Marcion's Apostolos, I learned the following which made me change my mind to a position that aligns now better with traditional scholarship on the beginnings of gospel-writing (as, for example, the two-sources hypothesis). Here are the reasons:
Indeed, this is what we are told by Tertullian in his commentary on this text by Marcion.
Here the evidence:
A crucial discovery information is given in: *Gal 5:21 ("as I said before"). This small sentence provides us with a back-reference.
If I am not mistaken, it can only refer to *1 Cor 15:50. This clarifies one of my uncertainties whether or not the redactor had written or oral material in front of him, when putting together the collection of 10 Pauline letters, credited to Marcion.
A back-reference only makes sense, if the letter with the back-reference, is part of the collection. As it goes into the wrong direction within the 10-letter-collection of Marcion, this reference must be older, unless Epiphanius where we find this, has given us the canonical text and not the precanonical one.
On the basis that he gives us the precanonical text, the redactor must have used an older collection of 7 Pauline letters plus a collection of the 3 Deuteropaulines that have already been identified as a collection - see their position in the collection and also their lexical and semantic and content proximity). A back-reference that is incorrect in *Gal 5,21, hence, shows us this and several other things:
In the pre-canonical version (*) it is a vision of God. In *Gal 1:12 and (*)2Cor 4:6, it is God who speaks to *Paul.
The canonical level differs from this. For in Acts, the voice is explicitly identified with Jesus in all three passages (Acts 9:6 // 26:15: ‘I am Jesus whom you are persecuting’; 22:8: ‘I am Jesus the Nazorean whom you are persecuting’). Here too, as is so often the case, the canonical editors or later copyists carelessly accept an inaccuracy when in Gal 1:12 the revelation at the end of the verse is attributed to ‘Jesus Christ’, but then the following verb in verse 15 requires ‘God’ as the subject. As a number of old manuscript witnesses also attest, this verb lacks the subject ‘God’ - they must therefore still have read ‘God’ in Gal 1:12, while other manuscripts insert ‘God’ in verse 15, because Gal 1:12 now speaks of ‘Jesus Christ’ instead of the revelation of ‘God’. This change is probably due to the harmonisation of the Pauline Galatians text with the Acts of the Apostles. However, this then led to a further inconsistency, because in Gal 1,12 - as in Acts three times - Paul lets Jesus Christ speak in the revelation, but in 2 Cor 4,6 the pre-canonical text remains, in which God speaks explicitly.
In der vorkanonischen Version (*) handelt es sich um eine Vision Gottes. In *Gal 1,12 und (*)2Kor 4,6 ist es Gott, der zu *Paulus spricht.
Davon unterscheidet sich die kanonische Ebene. Denn in Apg wird die Stimme an allen drei Stellen ausdrücklich mit Jesus identifiziert (Apg 9,6 // 26,15: „Ich bin Jesus, den du verfolgst“; 22,8: „Ich bin Jesus, der Nazoräer, den du verfolgst“). Auch hier, wie so oft, nimmt die kanonische Redaktion oder nehmen spätere Kopisten nachlässig eine Ungenauigkeit in Kauf, wenn in Gal 1,12 die Offenbarung am Ende des Verses „Jesus Christi“ zugeschrieben wird, dann aber das nachfolgende Verb in Vers 15 als Subjekt „Gott“ bedarf. Wie eine Reihe auch alter handschriftlicher Zeugen belegen, fehlt diesem Verb die Subjektsangabe „Gott“ – sie müssen darum wohl in Gal 1,12 noch „Gott“ gelesen haben, während andere Handschriften in Vers 15 „Gott“ einsetzen, weil inzwischen in Gal 1,12 anstelle von der Offenbarung „Gottes“ von derjenigen „Jesu Christi“ redet. Diese Änderung wird wohl aufgrund der Angleichung des paulinischen Galatertextes an die Apostelgeschichte erfolgt sein. Das führte dann allerdings zu einer weiteren Inkonsistenz, weil Paulus dann in Gal 1,12 – wie in der Apostelgeschichte dreimal – Jesus Christus in der Offenbarung sprechen lässt, allerdings in 2Kor 4,6 noch der vorkanonische Text stehengeblieben ist, in welchem ausdrücklich Gott spricht.
Here is the new re-launch of the Patristica youtube channel and podcast. Despite the title of the link below, it is more about Paul than the Gospel, as you will quickly discover, as this is what I am working on at the moment:
This book that goes back to a workshop from 2022 dealing with the retrospective approach that was suggested in my Writing the History of Early Christianity (CUP, 2019) and tested again in my Resetting the Origins of Early Christianity (CUP, 2023), brings together scholars from a broad range of historiographical studies, music, natural sciences, medieval history, holocaust studies ... and, like me, they grapple with the idea of writing history not simply along the chronological time-line.
You are in for a reshaping of historiography. The book is edited by Julia Seeberger, Sabine Schmolinsky and myself:
For all those interested in this recent book of mine, I have given an interview to Jonathon Lookadoo. My host is Associate Professor at the Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary in Seoul, South Korea. While his interests range widely over the world of early Christianity, he is the author of books on the Epistle of Barnabas, Ignatius of Antioch, and the Shepherd of Hermas, including The Christology of Ignatius of Antioch (Cascade, 2023).
Being a scholar of early Christian studies himself, it was great to talk to him and answer his questions at New Books Network / New Books in Biblical Studies, under the following link: Markus Vinzent, "Resetting the Origins of Christianity: A New Theory of Sources and Beginnings" (Cambridge UP, 2022) - New Books Network
In my Writing the History of Early Christianity (CUP 2019, 301-302), I claim that "reference is made to the ‘name’ of Ignatius; he is called ‘holy’, ‘blessed’, ‘divine’, ‘the glorious martyr’, the ‘martyr’, the ‘apostolic man’, the ‘bishop of Antioch’ etc." without mentioning Chrysostom's homily on Ignatius, the martyr (PG 50, 587-596) explicitly, but indirictly - ‘the glorious martyr’, the ‘martyr’, the ‘apostolic man’ refer to this homily, and then add that "the first to call him θεόφορος is Severus of Antioch in the years 518–513 CE".
Recently, the argument was made that before Severus, Chrysostom in the mentioned homily had called Ignatius "Theophorus". This, however, is not as straightforward as a short look into PG 50 seems to suggest.
I have sketched a few preliminary methodological considerations which might become part of the introduction to the volumes on the reconstruction of the pauline 10-letter-collection which is almost finished. Any feedback is most welcome!
Richard Carrier went into a long blog post where he discusses the latest publications of David Trobisch and myself - and we both have to thank him for the time he spent on our works.
Was the Entire New Testament Forged in the Second Century? • Richard Carrier Blogs
This is not the place to react to this post, but when time allows, I will write an answer to it to engage with criticism and to learn from it.
I received the following friendly enquiry:
"With regard to the books: "Resetting the Origins of Christianity", "Christ's Torah" and "Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity" - I admire the approach of these books to reconstruct historically grown ideas and validity claims retrospectively. I understand that you place weight to the 2nd century for the emergence of the New Testament. So far, however, it has not been entirely clear to me how you establish the relationship between the 2nd century and the 1st century. Sometimes it seems to me that you - like most scholars - assume a Christian movement that began in the 1st century leaving behind textual evidence such as at least the Pauline epistles (or parts of them). But then I have the impression that you - like the Dutch radical critics - think of Christianity as a product of the 2nd century in every respect.
I would be very happy to hear how you understand the relationship between the 2nd century and the 1st century in the development of the Christian tradition (not just the scriptures).
To this I replied:
In answer to your question, I confess that, in my opinion, the first century has so far been the black box into which researchers (and many outside them) have put what they would like to see in it. As I am only too aware of this danger myself in retrospect, I endeavour first of all not to "assume" either the one position you mentioned, the second or any other position. Rather, I approach it through all the centuries and ask myself which is the earliest achievable level on which we can find contours and constructions (and thereby construct ourselves again). So first of all I confess my ignorance beyond this. As you have rightly recognised, the next main question, which I have already asked myself in the books you mention but only answered very cautiously, is how one could describe the relationship between the 2nd and 1st centuries.
I have gained a little more insight into this in the last three years, because during this time I have reconstructed the Pauline letters as suggested by the witnesses to Markion's collection. Although Hilgenfeld - Zahn - Harnack - Schmid and BeDuhn had already undertaken such reconstructions, the first four of these editors still proceeded from the heresiological model of Markionite editorial abridgement (although the edition of the canonical Pauline epistles first appears before our eyes with Irenaeus, i.e. a good three decades after that of Markion) and therefore offer only deviations, but no continuous text, while BeDuhn offers a largely continuous text of the letters, but only in English translation.
In my reconstruction, I noticed that the two collections (1. the 10-letter collection of Markion; 2. the 14-letter collection from the time of Irenaeus) have strikingly different languages and semantics. Furthermore, it is striking that the three letters Eph, Col and 2Thess, which today are regarded as pseudo-Paulines, differ from the 7 letters found in the 10-letter collection even in the "pre-canonical" version (i.e. as parts of the 10-letter collection) in that they possess a language in many respects that we encounter in the 14-letter collection.
This trace opens a small door into the time before Marcion, perhaps even into the 1st century - hence my comments for you.
The fact that Marcion's collection of 10 letters contains a lexis, semantics, a grammar etc. that is clearly identifiable and different from those of the 14-letter collection shows:
1. that there was a redaction of this 10-letter collection (one can of course ask whether by Marcion or by an earlier editor, if Marcion had indeed, as Lieu, BeDuhn, Klinghardt, Goldmann, Flemming assume, changed nothing or nothing significant about these letters)
2. that there was a further, later redaction of this collection of 10 letters, when it was expanded into a collection of 14 letters at the time of Irenaeus.
3. here the view into the time before Marcion: that 3 letters were included in the 10-letter collection, which are already characterised by a language that we encounter again in the canonical editing of the 14-letter collection.
4 This means, however, that in his search for Pauline letters or letter material, the editor had not only come across 7 letters (whether already in a collection remains to be investigated), which after the redaction appear uniform in language throughout, while he must have come across a collection of 3 letters that came from a linguistic-religious-cultural milieu that was that of the later canonical redaction. Even after the pre-canonical redaction, the parallels to the later canonical redaction can still be recognised.
5) After the pre-canonical editing of all 10 letters, the 10-letter collection came into the milieu from which the 3 letters originated. In this milieu, the 10-letter collection was expanded into the 14-letter collection and canonically edited into the form that we find today in the canonical New Testament.
A further insight became clear to me when I compiled the "Concordance to the Precanonical and Canonical New Testament (narr.de)":
6. the 10-letter collection has largely the same linguistic features as the pre-canonical Gospel of Marcion's New Testament.
7. the other parts of the canonical collection of the 27 books beyond the 14-letter collection largely share a common canonical language (despite all the individual differences of all their individual writings).
This means that if we want to look back from the 2nd to the 1st century, the following questions will have to be answered: Who is the redactor who presents a single Gospel text and 10 Pauline letters that are demonstrably from one and the same hand?
What is the character of the 3 letters used by this editor? Are they literary fiction or do they go back to older material, possibly to a "Paul"? Since they must have already existed in a collection due to their linguistic similarities, do they represent the older level in comparison to the 7 letters offered by the editor? If this were the case, then the letters now regarded as pseudo-Paulines would be older and closer to Paul than the so-called "genuine" 7 letters.
Or is it precisely the fact that the 3 letters were already edited as a collection that speaks against their more original character? Since the editor - knowing what an editor is and does - must have known that it was an edited collection of the 3 letters, which he included in his own collection of 10 letters, he obviously saw no problem in using edited texts, editing them himself and still putting them under the label "Paul".
As far as the source(s) of the 7 letters are concerned, the question of whether the editor used individual letters or a collection cannot be answered just as clearly. The fact that the editor left the three letters together, placed five letters before them and two after, and that he arranged his collection of 10 letters biographically and geographically, just as he arranged the Jesus material biographically and geographically, rather suggests that he had not yet found the seven letters as a collection. For if the 7 letters had been available to him as a collection and if he had also drawn on an older Gospel, then it would be more than coincidental if both older sources (Gospel, 7 letters) had the same organisational structure. What is historically probable is that he possessed epistolary material for the 7 letters, just as he possessed Jesus material, from which he created partial collections for his New Testament, which he structured similarly and which also both reflect his editorial language.
What does this mean for our insight into the 1st century? Especially for your question about the Christian movement and, I would add, its protagonists? In "Christ's Torah" I have already pointed out that the editor also includes elements (such as "bringing fire/conflict") that contradict his own idea. This suggests that there is a previous source for this material, which the editor traces back to the Jesus of his gospel. Similar elements that seem to contradict his idea can also be found in the letters of Paul in the 10-letter collection. Here, too, the editor cites Paul as the source. Can we trust this information? It seems to me, as I have already written, that the editor was not someone who produced pseudonymous fictions - a significant difference to the canonical editors, for whom pseudonymity and fictionality are characteristic features. That is why we still do not have any letters that scholars attribute to Paul other than the seven that can be found in the 10-letter collection. I would therefore rate the confidence in this editor higher rather than lower.
Who could this editor be if the Gospel and the 10-letter collection were written by his consistently editorial hand?
1) An ultra-conservative answer could be: Paul. Then Paul not only brought a message, but this gospel to the Galatians.
Or, if this is not considered possible,
2. a disciple of Paul, perhaps Luke. Then he would be the author/editor of the gospel and the 10 Pauline letters.
3. an anonymous person (as assumed by BeDuhn, Lieu, Klinghardt ...), who then wrote both parts.
Or, what I consider to be the most likely solution, especially in view of the witnesses of the 2nd century:
4th Markion.
Today on live channel of Mythvision this question was discussed, if you want to recap, here is the link:
Recently I appeared on History Valley and discussed the new book Christ's Torah. If you are interested in joining me, follow this link: (281) (281) Christ's Torah: The Making of the New Testament in the Second Century | Dr. Markus Vinzent - YouTube